By Lloyd Dolha

Yukon First Nations are working with opposition parties to bring changes forward to the draft Child and Family Services Act before it is passed into legislation in the current session of the Yukon territorial government, after Premier Dennis Fentie rejected their calls for further talks on the proposed legislation.

“What’s happening is the five First Nations [of the Council of Yukon First Nations] are now working with the opposition to bring amendments forward to the legislation during the debate,” said Lori Duncan, health director of the Council of Yukon Nations.

Yukon First Nations leaders had shown up en masse at the legislature building in Whitehorse on April 10th to protest against the new child and family services act which passed second reading on April 1st. The act, known as Bill 50, will replace the current Children’s Act and aims to define how First Nations foster children will be cared for.

The aboriginal leaders had hoped to block or stall the passage of the bill. Premier Fentie, however, said his government has done all it can to accommodate their concerns. The premier said his Yukon Party government has already spent $2 million and five years of work on consultations on the act.

“The short answer is no, the government will not,” said Fentie during question period. “The government has gone the distance.”

The draft act, which was leaked to the media in January, calls for more First Nations involvement in child and family services planning and delivery. It also recommends mandatory reporting of abuse against children, and a clear intention to place children in care with extended family and within their First Nation when possible. Critics say the draft act is weak and only tinkers with the child welfare system.

The Council of Yukon First Nations (CYFN) is deeply distressed by the Yukon government’s refusal to take more time to work with the First Nations to get the draft act right.

“The government’s actions are unacceptable and inexplicable,” said Grand Chief Andy Carvill. “We have identified substantive concerns. This is contrary to any sort of collaboration with respect to this important matter.”

Yukon First Nations say the proposed children’s act needs stronger rights and financial supports for extended family members. They say the draft act gives too much power to the director of child and family services in the ministry, and are asking for the addition of a child advocate.

The CYFN believes Bill 50 misses the opportunity to substantively reform the territorial child welfare system so that it supports families and children in crisis. The council believes that if the act is passed as written, it will only continue to perpetuate the current system that they see as confrontational that only fragments families in crisis rather than support them.

“We need a reformed system to establish accountability measures with respect to the decisions and actions of the director of family and children’s services and social workers,” said Carvill. “We need to ensure that Yukon First Nations and their citizens are involved in key decisions that affect our children or share responsibilities with territorial officials.”

“We need to establish alternatives to the court process since its adversarial nature often serves to push aside the best interests of the child,” added the grand chief. “This bill does none of those things.”

The council is further frustrated by the government’s refusal to allow Yukon First Nations as witnesses and speak directly to MLAs when the bill is debated on the floor of the legislature. They say such a strategy is counterproductive to having a relationship based on mutual trust and respect.

The First Nations are demanding to have their voices heard as aboriginal children in care make up 80 percent of all the children in care in the territory.

Fentie said to address First Nations concerns would see the Yukon government lose its jurisdiction over aboriginal children in care. “We’re not going to do that,” said the premier in an interview. “ It’s our responsibility, our liability, our costs. If First Nations want to go further than the act today, then they have that ability under their [self-government] agreements.”

He challenged the First Nations to “draw it down” or assume complete jurisdiction over aboriginal child welfare. And that’s exactly what some Yukon First Nations are planning to do.

Justin Ferbey, a senior government official with the Carcross/Tagish First Nation said they have already established their own Family Act and will assume authority for aboriginal child welfare as one of 42 law-making powers they can assume under their self-government agreements.

“We’re now in the implementation of the act and that would secure funding for the program,” said Ferbey.

By Lloyd Dolha

The chair of the Federation of Saskatchewan Indians (FSIN) senate, said he will not be seeking to assume his role as chair of the senate, even though controversial former senator David Ahenakew turned down his reinstatement to the body in the organization. “After that situation, I just have no interest in chairing the senate, said the former senate chair Roland Crowe.

Crowe resigned from the 21-member body of senior First Nations leaders in early April, after the organization’s assembly of chiefs voted to reinstate Ahenakew as a senator at an emergency meeting at the Dakota Dunes Casino south of Saskatoon on March 28th. Crowe said the Ahenakew affair was just one more distraction that is keeping the FSIN from doing the work Saskatchewan First Nations expect of them.

“I think it’s time right now that we need not the distractions but to deal with the real burning issues we have and we have a lot of them in our communities.”

Ahenakew, the 74 year-old former head of the FSIN and the Assembly of First Nations, was ejected from senate some five years ago after making anti-Semitic comments at a conference in Saskatoon in 2002.

He was later convicted of willfully promoting hate, but the conviction was overturned and a new trial was ordered.

After an outcry from First Nations leaders, leading Jewish organizations as well as the federal and Saskatchewan governments, Ahenakew issued a statement saying he was turning down the post.

FSIN leader Chief Lawrence Joseph stood behind his decision to reinstate Ahenakew, saying everybody deserves a second chance and that his “wisdom, knowledge and expertise” are needed.

Joseph said Ahenakew’s 2002 comments calling Jews a “disease” were abhorrent, but had since then apologized.

Shoal Lake Cree Nation Chief Marcel Head, who voted against Ahenakew’s reinstatement, called for the resignation the FSIN leader over his handling of the issue.

The following week, the Prince Albert Tribal Council called for an investigation into the whole affair.

The chiefs of the grand council want to know how a motion to reinstate the disgraced former leader ended up being brought forward at the emergency meeting dealing with the federation’s finances.

The meeting was held for the FSIN chiefs-in-assembly to discuss the federation’s $1.6 million debt, however; a motion to reinstate Ahenakew was brought forward based on a recommendation from the senate the night before.

“It was a mistake that I think everybody wants corrected,” said Grand Chief Ron Michel of the Prince Albert Tribal Council.

Michel said the senate recommendation should have gone to federation’s Indian Government Commission before it was brought up at the assembly. On April 7th, the grand council passed a motion calling on the FSIN executive and the Indian Government Commission “to investigate and determine” if the Akenakew resolution was properly presented to the assembly.

Even though Ahenakew has since turned down the invitation to be a senator again, it’s still important to investigate the assembly’s decision because the chiefs of the Prince Albert Grand Council believe the resolution was not properly vetted in accordance with the federation’s internal process, said a news release issued by the grand council.

By Clint Buehler

HOBBEMA, AB – Violence is nothing new for the four First Nations reserves here, an hour’s drive south of Edmonton. With 13 gangs competing in the lucrative drug trade in a community of only 12,000 residents, beatings, stabbings and shootings are an almost daily occurrence. The presence of a beefed up RCMP squad of 42 officers has so far been able to do little to stem the violence. But the wounding of a toddler in a drive-by shooting has galvanized the community, hopefully leading to the kind of community action that will get results.

Asa Saddleback, only 23 months old, was sitting at her grandfather’s kitchen table eating soup when she was struck in the abdomen by a stray bullet from a drive-by shooting. (She was airlifted to hospital in Edmonton where she was in critical but stable condition in the pediatric intensive care unit after surgery. The bullet that pierced the wall of her home and hit her could not be safely removed and she will have to carry it for the remainder of her life.)

The child’s mother, Candace Saddleback, told a press conference that she won’t go home again. “I’m pretty sure I’m not ever going to feel safe to even go home now,” she said. “No, I won’t go back to Hobbema, not now, not back to my home, not to where I raised my children. Because, if it happened once, who’s going to stop them from doing it again.”

An 18-year-old man and a 15-year-old boy from the community have been arrested in connection with the incident. The man also faces another nine charges not related to the incident while the boy also faces 14 unrelated charges. The ages of the accused come as no surprise, with gangs actively recruiting children as young as 10 to act as mules to transport drugs.

Hobbema resident Alice Wildcat says “the sickening part is that the young people—I won’t call them men—are related to the family of this baby. I’m glad they caught them and I hope they get put away for a very long time.

“And I hate the fact that people outside of here always lump us all together, you know, that we ALL belong to gangs and either do or sell drugs. They forget that these really are a small, but growing larger, group of hoodlums that live this way.

“They forget that in this small area of land there are thousands of people living on top of each other. I know of one three-bedroom house where 19 people are living together. They don’t know that our leadership fight among themselves and against the band members.

“They don’t see that there are regular everyday people who do their best each and every day to keep their families safe and healthy. The outside people just don’t see us—they don’t know that we live here in Hobbema, too. It’s very sad.”

The shocking assault brought a strong reaction from the chief of the Samson Cree Nation, Marvin Yellowbird, who said it has sent the community into a state of crisis. He called for more RCMP officers and a task force to deal with the rampant violence.

In a broadcast to the community on the local Maskwacis radio station, Chief Yellowbird said “the Samson Cree Nation has worked cooperatively with many levels of law enforcement as well as with provincial and federal officials over the past few years to reduce gang activity in our community.

“Clearly, more work and resources are required and Samson chief and council is resolved to do everything possible to make Samson Cree Nation a safer place for everyone.”

Hundreds of residents attended a subsequent meeting, closed to the media, to discuss ways of dealing with the problem. The outcome was a decision to create a task force on thwarting gang activity.

Other suggestions included the traditional justice act of banishing gang members from the reserves, a suggestion that was not well received; kicking gang members out of band owned as a start toward banishment; targeting troublemakers who come from outside Hobbema thus reducing exposure to gang role models, and even the creation of a Guardian Angels-type citizen patrol group which some feared might encourage vigilantism.

One action that has had immediate success—and could have an even more significant impact by reducing the number of youth recruited by gangs is the future—is the Hobbema Community Cadet Corps. The Corps focuses on the discipline of military-like marching drills, culture, arts and crafts and sporting activities. In its first six months almost 700 young people had joined, and dozens of community member had become involved as volunteers.

Ironically, the Samson Cree is one of the richest reserves in Canada with hundreds of millions of dollars in oil wealth which has enabled them to create their own trust company, Peace Hills Trust; insurance company, Peace Hills Insurance; an energy company, and numerous real estate and other business investments, including shopping malls, office buildings, hotels and casinos.

Rather than that wealth providing progress, prosperity and productivity, it has led to addictions that now are affecting second and third generations, providing a fertile market for drug dealers and intense competition among the gangs who deal the drugs.

The cycle starts with trust accounts of $80,000 or more given to each Samson member when they turn 18, as well as monthly trust funds thereafter. Too often that money is immediately spent on a powerful new vehicle, drugs and alcohol, and a hotel room in Edmonton. If that combination doesn’t result in the too frequent—and sometimes fatal—vehicle accidents, it does too often lead to addictions and poor parenting, perpetuating the problem.

Even if that doesn’t happen, those receiving their trust fund are assailed by the professional vultures eager to take their money in questionable deals or outright fraud.

By Bernie Bates

The following subject may be offensive to some readers. If you are sensitive or if there are mature people in the room – please be advised to stop reading at this point or you may laugh so hard, you may accidentally ‘rip’ one.

This subject is about something we’ve all done, yet, we’ve all lied about it, when asked: “Did you fart?” Yes, my loyal readers, the subject I’ve chosen to write about, is the humble passing of gas from your ass. And the reason I decided to shed light on this taboo topic, is because, one day, my wife and I were alone in an aisle at a local store, when I cut the cheese – and oh, what a smelly cheese it was!

Now, don’t get holier than thou – I know you too, have committed the same crime against society. It’s just a part of nature’s calling, right? So, we’re all adults, so let’s address this issue with all the humour it deserves.

What is a flatulent? According to my dictionary, it’s; generating gas in alimentary canal. But, really, how funny is that? I intend to take the sophomoric approach to get to the bottom of this touchy topic, delve into every nook and cranny and exhaust all orifices, to bring you the truth on toots.

In my research on Native traditions, I came across an item that I thought was very peculiar. Evidently, it was traditional for a groom to: ‘Buffalo blanket’ his new bride. The idea was to get her used to the smell of her new husband. It was a Native tradition to pull the buffalo blanket over his betrothed’s head as she slept, then ‘blow the peace pipe.’ And I’m proud to report that I’m a traditionalist.

As most things in life: there’s a time and a place, for everything. One doesn’t tilt to one side and let loose a goose call, at a fancy dinner party. Nor is it acceptable to unplug the cork on a first date. But (pun intended), if you really have to go or simply can’t hold it back – there are ways to avoid embarrassment. S. B. D. (Silent But Deadly) has been used since the time of the caveman. To employ this method you must first; make sure it’s not an audible air burst, secondly, never stand in one place as you release and third, wait for the effects to make themselves known, then look from side to side and whisper to another guest: “Do you smell that? Some people … eh?” I wouldn’t be a responsible writer if I failed to inform my readers of the dangers that could occur, if you were to accidentally blow you own horn, at the same time you passed by an open flame … “Oh, My!” Like most of my wit-lit: it comes from life’s experiences. I was visiting my dear old Auntie, Doreen, at a logging camp she cooked for. “If you’re going to the outhouse, take these matches with you,” she grinned, “when you sit down, light a match and hold it next to your bum.” Curious, I did as she instructed …. BOOM! I damn near fell down the hole! And to this very day – I can’t help but think of her, every time I windy-fuffle.

Back to the inspiration for this column. As my lady love and I were strolling down an empty isle of Zellers, I laid the mother of all stink bombs. And wouldn’t you know it … at that very moment a clerk came around the corner. Thinking quickly; I accelerated past my wife toward the unsuspecting clerk, then waited until he walked into the gaseous cloud, at which point I curled my nose and exclaimed: “Euww, Janet, yuck!” Then made a hasty retreat, before they knew what hit them. Yeah, yeah! I’m a bad man … bla, bla, bla. Like you’ve never farted ‘n’ parted!

We’ve all done the deed: not even the Queen of England, can deny that she’s not ripped a royal one. There are those who think theirs doesn’t stink and that they live in rarefied air, but it’s just not true. Perfumed poo-foo, exits all creatures, both big and small – even though I’ve never heard or smelled one, I’m sure, the birds and bees do it, too. So the next time people around you notice an odious odor – lift your nose proudly and lie: “Don’t look at me, I didn’t do it!”

THE END

Dear reader: Please feel free to contact, B. H. Bates at: beeinthebonnet@shaw.ca

By Lloyd Dolha

A group of First Nations chiefs from the Okanagan Nation Alliance expressed bitter disappointment with a BC Court of Appeal ruling which severed the issue of aboriginal title in an ongoing nine-year legal battle over forest resources in their traditional territory.

The decision in the action, British Columbia v.Okanagan Indian Band (a.k.a. Minister of Forests v.Wilson), prevents the Okanagan from raising their aboriginal title to advance its recognition and leaves undecided the central issue of how the provincial Crown got its title, which was placed squarely before the court for the first time, said the First Nation in a March 17th release.

“The majority of the Court of Appeal has it dead wrong,” said Chief Fabian Alexis, of the Okanagan Indian Band. “Two of the judges bought the province’s argument that there is a sufficient degree of consultation and that the issue is only about an aboriginal right to harvest timber for domestic purposes.”

“The fact is that the fundamental issue is authority and jurisdiction over the forested land, which has now been sidelined,” said the Chief Alexis.

Neskolith Indian Band Judy Wilson noted: “The province argued in court that ignoring aboriginal title issues saves money. In fact, vast amounts of money and resources are devoted to the tremendous efforts of the province to avoid addressing real on-the-ground respect, recognition and reconciliation of our aboriginal title.”

In the decision released Friday, March 14th, the appeal court rejected the First Nation’s bid to overturn a lower court’s ruling severing aboriginal title from the landmark action.

In writing the 2-1 judgement, Justice Kenneth Mackenzie noted that the history of the litigation was “lengthy and convoluted.”

“The rare and exceptional circumstances that prompted the order (for the province to pay costs in two actions called Jules and Wilson) in 2001 and 2003 have been modified by subsequent jurisdiction and the province’s response [to aboriginal title and rights claims],” wrote Justice Mackenzie.

In other words, recent developments in aboriginal rights and title case law and provincial policy have rendered their claims of lesser import.

“When you compare the court decisions of Haida and Tsilhqot’in, Judges Mackenzie and Lowry’s decision demonstrates the huge gap of differing views of the judges of this province on aboriginal title,” said Adams Lake Indian Band Chief Nelson Leon.

The decision includes the sharply dissenting opinion of Mr. Justice Ian Donald who said the granting of the severance order reduces the broadly-based claim for aboriginal title and rights to a defence to the stop work order on the cutblock.

The order, said Justice Donald, prevents the Okanagan from making a case for the full aboriginal right to harvest timber in their traditional territory and sidelines the central issue of aboriginal title.

Justice Donald further stated that Justice Mackenzie, “ … exceeded his jurisdiction by making an order that amounts to a radical amendment of the advance costs order made by this court and affirmed by the Supreme Court of Canada.”

The judge went on to note that the central issue of Okanagan aboriginal title will remain outstanding no matter how the aboriginal right issue to harvest timber is resolved.

“… the province has persuaded the judge to take title off the agenda and to embark upon a kind of stated case, with the province setting the terms, … but the big constitutional point, the extraordinary feature of the case that underlies the advance cost order will not be heard,” said Justice Donald. “Is this prudent case management or radical surgery? I think it is the latter.” Chief Alexis said the case must now go to the Supreme Court of Canada for a decision.

The Jules and Wilson litigation arose when five First Nations of the Shuswap Nation Tribal Council started logging in their traditional territories in an effort to provide housing for their membership. The tribal council had authorized the logging in September 1999 according to their assertion of aboriginal title to the area.

Shortly after the logging activities took place, the Ministry of Forests ordered the bands to stop because they didn’t have a permit and obtained an injunction through two actions (Jules and Wilson) preventing them from doing anymore logging. In their defence, the bands challenged the constitutionality of the province’s forestry legislation based on their aboriginal title and rights to harvest timber in their traditional territories of the Browns Creek watershed and the Chase Creek/Harper Lake watershed.

In 2003, after the court ordered the province to pay the band’s legal costs in the two actions, the province tried to discontinue the both cases. The court rejected that, but ordered that only one case at a time would proceed. The Shuswap Nation litigation in Jules was stayed and the Okanagan Nation case in Wilson was allowed to go forward.

In July 2007, in responding to the province’s request, the BC Supreme Court ordered that the issue of aboriginal title be severed from the Okanagan action on the basis it would be cheaper to decide the case without addressing the aboriginal title issue. Then in reasons given on September 12, 2007, the BC Court of Appeal granted the First Nation leave to appeal which prompted the court’s latest decision.

When Chief Roger Williams of the Xeni Gwet’in First Nation in the Chilcotin won his case which established aboriginal title to a large portion of their traditional territory in the remote Nemiah Valley in Tsilhqotin V. British Columbia, in November 2007, the Okanagan hailed the ruling as providing strong support for their claim of an aboriginal title and rights defence to enforcement proceedings under the Forest Act.

The court in Tsilhqot’in found that provincial laws, including the Forest Act, do not apply to aboriginal title lands and recognized that “the Province has skated on thin constitutional ice for over a century … [and] has been violating Aboriginal title in an unconstitutional and therefore illegal fashion ever since it joined Canada in 1871.”

“This case supports the Okanagan Indian Band’s position that the laws of the Okanagan Nation, not the province’s forestry legislation, applies to our lands,” said Chief Alexis at the time.

The Okanagan said the Supreme Court’s decision in Tsilhqot’in is also a thorough rejection of the positions the province relies on in litigation to deny aboriginal title and rights.

In that case, the court dismissed the province’s argument that aboriginal title could only be proven for small, “postage stamp” sized sites and instead found that Tsilhqot’in aboriginal title exists over approximately 200,000 hectares.

“As the province well knows, the evidence of Okanagan aboriginal title in our case is even stronger,” said Chief Alexis.

Alexis said the court’s decision in Tsilhoqot’in v. British Columbia makes it clear that the province should now get on with making systemic changes to recognize their aboriginal title rather than delaying and wasting money disputing its existence and trying to enforce invalid legislation through the Jules and Wilson litigation.

In the final somewhat humorous remark of his dissent, Justice Donald notes that it has often been said by the courts that that reconciliation between the Crown and First Nations will ultimately be resolved by negotiation –comparing negotiations as a game of cards.

“However, they [the Okanagan] want to bring to the negotiation table the strongest hand that the law will recognize. If they have title, the bargain struck will likely be much more favourable than if they hold only the cards the province has dealt.”

Splatsin First Nation Chief and Shuswap Nation Tribal co-chair Wayne Christian said First Nations in the province cannot share in any joy in the 150 anniversary of the founding of a province that is based on the denial of First Nations aboriginal rights and title.

“The mounting frustration and outrage is at the point where all that is needed is a match to the fuse leading to a long hot summer of discontent across this province.”

By Lloyd Dolha

The federal government has announced new auditing measures for all First Nations funding and will be demanding audits of individual funding programs, much to the chagrin of First Nations.

The move prompted the Assembly of First Nations issue a terse statement criticizing the new policy and accused the Conservatives of spreading falsehoods about First Nations.

According to the AFN, the announcement by Indian Affairs Minster Chuck Strahl “plays on the false impression that has been spread about First Nations and accountability. Those who believe the myths might like the idea that ‘something is finally being done,’ but they would be wrong again.”

Under the new policy, all 2008-09 funding transfers to bands and tribal councils will contain a clause allowing the department to audit the money later to determine whether it was well spent.

Strahl said the new measures will allow for greater accountability to all Canadians and to the First Nations people themselves. He also said the audits will be applied “across the board” and are not aimed at any First Nation or tribal council in particular.

The audits will be conducted on a risk-based system, and will seek to determine whether First Nations have appropriate management, financial and administrative controls in place.

The minority Conservative government attempted to pass a similar measure in 2006 as part of its Federal Accountability Act, but the opposition parties removed it.

They now accuse the Tories of sneaking the policy through the back door by adopting it without bringing legislation into the House of Commons.

“It’s part of a pattern to bypass Parliament,” said Liberal MP Anita Neville. “They are playing to their political base that believes aboriginal peoples are not accountable and it’s contrary to everything we’ve heard from the Auditor-General.”

Auditor-General Sheila Fraser has criticized the federal government for overburdening First Nations with paperwork that often wasn’t even read by government officials after it was submitted. One of Fraser’s recent reviews found that at least 168 reports are required each year to account for federal funds from Indian Affairs, Health Canada, Human Resources Development Canada and Canada Mortgage and Housing, the four federal departments which provide the majority of funding to First Nations.

Neville said she is concerned that the federal government is merely adding another layer of paperwork to First Nations. “We know the auditor-general said First Nations are over-audited,” she said. “Is he [Strahl] withdrawing some of the other audits? Is he providing capacity to do increased audits. What more is he auditing? What does he need that he currently isn’t getting?”

First Nations are not required to release information on their audits to the public, only to members of their band. The government says the audits will be more detailed and cover more areas than they do now. But the AFN says First Nations are already heavily audited and the Tories are ignoring more pressing needs on reserves such as housing and education.

Strahl said he believes aboriginal leaders understand that all parts of society are moving towards greater accountability. “What we’re saying is if we’re going to give money, we want to be able to do an audit on it to make sure that it’s serving it’s purpose, that it’s being spent on the programs it was intended,” said the minister.

By Reuel S Amdur

In the Globe and Mail of February 5, former Prime Minister Paul Martin, citing an Aboriginal school drop out rate of close to 50%, identifies education as the key to betterment for Natives. While he is right that education is very important, let’s not forget an old Latin saying that translates, “First to live, then to philosophize.” The first need is for the basics: food, shelter, and clothing. Then comes education. Consideration of the basics will have to wait for another day, because here we will reflect on Martin’s priority, education.

Education is important for Aboriginals, both young and adult. According to Statistics Canada, a very large percentage of Fist Nations people are functioning at a level of literacy that is inadequate. Meal preparation is also a problem, with high levels of obesity, especially in women, and diabetes. But let’s turn first to youth.

One important factor in education is student self-esteem. For First Nations youngsters, relevant education should include education about their heritage. Textbooks that teach that Columbus discovered America are not good enough, especially since Métis pioneer historian Olive Dickason produced her ground-breaking Canada’s First Nations. Where Aboriginal children are in school with other Canadians, this part of the curriculum needs to be shared generally, as self-esteem grows when an appreciation of one’s background is shared by others. Yet, because the present-day Aboriginal experience is not the same in urban centres and on the reserves or in other remote areas, consideration needs to be given separately to reserves.

On the reserves, education suffers from instability of teaching staff and lack of adequate backup. Schools are often inadequate structures and school supplies too limited. In the latter two cases, the obvious answer is adequacy. You can’t say that in any other way. The government needs to cough up.

When it comes to teachers, pay must be highly competitive, and contracts for, say, three years, with bonuses for contract completion and renewal. Aboriginal teachers should be encouraged to come, and educational opportunities for First Nations students to become teachers should be expanded. Students in training as teachers in university should be able to choose a student teaching experience on a reserve, both Native students and others especially interested. Provision for vacation back to urban centres should be part of the package. Both for teachers and students classroom conditions need to be favourable.

Class size should be manageable. Local people need to be employed as teacher aides, with in-service training. Such utilization of local people as a dual advantage. As well as improving the class situation, it also helps to build a strong link with the community. Other means need to be taken to insure that the community sees the school as “theirs” and as valued.

As part of heritage-promotion, studying the local native language is useful, something perhaps more difficult in an urban setting because of the diversity of native languages.

One important gap in reserve schools is the shortage of auxiliary professionals such as social workers and psychologists. Provision for visits by these professionals is important, with availability of long-distance consultation on an ongoing basis.

Addressing once again the issue of obesity and diabetes, a good home economics course is important. In this context, it could be helpful to make use of the Aboriginal cooking star David Wolfman and his program participant Dr. Judy New, a First Nations nutritionist. They already do visits to promote better nutrition, but their resources should be radically increased, to enable their staff to go across Canada, to visit reserves, Friendship Centres, and health centres in urban areas.

Focusing once more on self-esteem (as well as on food), the school might include hunting and gathering activities.Because many people move to urban areas, trips to an urban area are important, to help youngsters understand how they can fit in in an urban setting, visiting Friendship Centres and employment help programs. Too many First Nations young people instead end up in shelters and on the street.

In urban centres, First Nations youth with difficulties share the same problems faced by other youth. Services such as special education, psychology, and social work are the first to be cut at budget time. Wrong! As well, the need for teacher aides to help out in classes is not being adequately met. Where there are just a few Native kids in a school, a buddy system might make them fit in more readily.

Because of the inadequate education that many First Nations adults have experienced, adult programs are important, both in public and separate systems and in places such as Friendship Centres and other agencies that are Fist Nations-friendly. Aboriginal history, literacy and numeracy, and nutrition are prime candidates as topics. To encourage participation, child care is needed. A meal could accompany the program, something prepared in cooking class.

A solid education for Aboriginal young people is important not just for the Aboriginal community. It is vital for the Canadian population as a whole. The First Nations population is the most rapidly growing segment of Canadian society, and the Canadian population is aging at an alarming rate. There is a desperate need for young people to fill the jobs that the country requires, and who else will fill them? Aboriginal Canadians are the country’s most valuable unexploited resource.

Undoubtedly, there are other things that I have left out, and of course we’re talking big bucks, but, as teachers have long argued, if you think education is expensive, try ignorance.

By Frank Larue

“It feels great to represent the indigenous people of this country and to honour the people who made this award possible…..indigenous music has informed the mainstream since pop music was invented.. indigenous culture has informed everything… it represents victory for surviving a holocaust…and it represents the continuous journey forward to help preserve language and culture. We are currently in the process of building a studio facility on six nations that will be world class. It will have audio and video capabilities that we hope will facilitate some great music along with the language and culture preservation dvd series.’’ Derek Miller on winning the 2008 Juno Award for his CD, Dirty Looks.

The most exciting aboriginal singer songwriter working today, Derek Miller who’s career was kick started in 2002 with the release of ‘Music Is The Medicine.’ took his career to another level in 2008 with the release of ’Dirty Looks.’ Which garnished him his second Juno Award in March and will be followed by a live DVD, his next recording will feature a duet with Willie Nelson along with stellar musicians Double Trouble who were the rhythm section for the late great Stevie Ray Vaughn.

The new CD. ‘Dirty Looks’ is a collection of songs that reflect the changes he went through purging the bad habits he had cultivated on the road. Derek spent some time in the one place you won’t find Amy Winehouse, a rehab centre. The mood of his new materiel may be somber but his guitar playing is all fire and brimstone. From the scorching blues licks in The Devil Came Down on Sunday to the subtle melodic touches he adds on Stormy Eyes. Derek Miller consolidates his standing has one of the finest musicians of his generation.

‘’By 2005, I felt like I had lost my soul completely, touring, drinking and pumping my body full of drugs. It had me reeling pretty bad and I knew I had to stop or I would die but I needed help. That’s what I was battling as I went to record Dirty Looks. It was the hardest thing I’d done at that point, then I went through rehab and wrung out the laundry. Though native culture, ceremony and trauma recovery I felt I’d won my soul back and you can hear that torture on that record, I’m just grateful I lived through it. I am very grateful.’’

It’s been a long road for Derek Miller who grew up on the Six Nations reserve in Ontario and started playing guitar when he was given a warped neck Fender guitar that was found in his grandfather’s closet at age 13.’’ Looking back at it now, it was as though his spirit was saying, take this, talk to your mystery through this guitar and everything will be fine’’

Derek went through his mother’s record collection and found he had an insatiable appetite for the blues. He found his mentors in Muddy Waters and Stevie Ray Vaughn along with rock guitarists Peter Townsend and Eddie Van Halen. He developed as a singer listening to Jimmy Reed and Otis Redding. Derek played in pick up bands and local outfits honing his skills and writing until he released an EP entitled Sketches. The first recording showed a guitar player with a lot of talent and a blossoming songwriter but it due to independent distribution it didn’t generate large numbers in the sales department.

He moved to Arizona to join Keith Secola and The Wild Band of Indians, Secola had reached cult status with his song ‘Indian Car’, also toured with the Grateful Dead and was on first name basis with the members of U2. Derek worked on Keith’s award winning ‘FingerMonkey’ CD and spent a lot of time on the road. He gained some very valuable experience from the old road warrior Secola, who toured across America and Europe, this would help him later down the road when he would be in charge of his own band.

He returned to Canada to start his solo career and released ‘Music Is The Medicine,’ the CD won a Juno award for him and more important introduced him to a much larger audience and international touring. He had yet to become a household name but his talents have impressed many of his peers such as Buffy Ste Marie who described him as ”Derek is like Neil Young, Leonard Cohen, Kris Kristopherson but better. He’s got a Mohawk heart.’’ Robbie Robertson a legendary guitarist himself whose career produced such timeless hits as ‘The Night They Drove Old Dixie Down’ was taken by Derek’s fretwork.

“Derek’s guitar playing and vocals really get under your skin.’’

The ‘Dirty Looks’ CD is Derek’s best musical statement so far, the songs part of his spiritual journey serve as a catalyst for the curing of a troubled soul. The opening cut ‘The Devil Came On Down Sunday’ sets the tone with in your face guitar and lyrics that pay homage to blues seminal godfather Robert Johnson who in blues mythology sold his soul to the devil at the crossroads and later wrote a song . Derek is dealing with his own devil, the conflict is a personal one.

The devil came down on Sunday, offered me a ride.
I’m going down to the Crossroads, Mohawk road.

Picking up his second Juno put Derek in the same company as Canadian stalwarts Blue Rodeo, country star Paul Brandt, pop sensation and Grammy nominated chanteuse Feist, along with Finger Eleven and Arcade Fire. ‘’ It was really exciting to be there and be acknowledged for your work as an artist.’’ Derek said after picking up his Juno and heading home before the celebrations started, this is not the first award for his most recent recording. ‘Dirty Looks’ also won an Aboriginal People’s Choice Award and a Canadian Aboriginal Music Award. Derek was last seen in JFK airport in New York, when asked where he was going? ‘’I’m on my way to play golf with Willie Nelson.’’