Victoria’s Streets: Behind the Lights

by Myles Zacharias

When a D.N.A. link was made between Robert (Willie) Pickton’s farm and the disappearance of a Victoria First Nations girl, Nancy Clark, it raised awareness about several unsolved murders and missing women in B.C.’s capital city and all over Vancouver Island.

The long list of missing or murdered females on Vancouver Island, along with their individual grisly tales of murder and mystery were first revealed to me by Rose Henry, Snuneymuxw First Nation, in a coffee shop in downtown Victoria. She had to speak loudly over the small crowd of local Victoria activists and artists who sang songs of hope and rapped words condemning the police and society at large of negligence and apathy. Rose and the crowd were there getting ready to set into motion the Walk For Justice, a walk across Canada beginning June 19, 2008, at Mile Zero in Victoria B.C. and scheduled to end Sept 13, 2008, in Ottawa at the steps of Parliament Hill. Rose estimated that the percentage of missing or murdered aboriginal females at the heart of the Walk For Justice is at least 80%. A similar majority of them, like Nancy Clark, trade in sex to various degrees. Michaelle Jean, Canada’s first black Governor General, will meet the walkers in September at Parliament Hill and show them inside for celebrations and acknowledgement.

Rose was excited and fired up. The marginalized group of women that she and others walk for are, in her words, “not asking for respect.” Nor are they trying, she continued, to “argue that they deserve respect”. These things are obvious, and for Rose clearly ignored. So these Women of Canada (and the men standing with them) — be they First Nation, White, Asian, Black, and so on, prostitute or educator, family or friend of a missing loved one — will be “Demanding That Respect” all the way across the continent. The reverberation of Rose’s beat was powerful, and she had to politely remind me to write down what she was saying.

First Nations women are in need of recognition and assistance in novel forms. This need has been underlined by the numerous conditions leading to the existence of mass killing phenomena like Robert Pickton and The Highway of Tears. Both situations have victims that are disproportionately First Nation females. Along the Highway of Tears many of the women are hitchhiking to Vancouver in search of things unavailable on reserves (medical care, money, water, anonymity in a world that makes them feel ashamed). Yet, while the Pickton case is now infamously the longest forensic investigation in criminal history, and the sheer numbers of women he is accused of slaughtering is indeed staggering, the targeting of marginalized women for violent crimes is hardly new. The issues of power and control involved in both hiring sex and the act of murder have been well documented. Now retired Victoria Sgt Don Bland said in a Times Colonist interview in 2001, in reference to the unsolved murders in Victoria and the issue of prostitute killings: “There’s a lot of people who start calling them every name in the book and start smacking them around. It starts to feel good, then the girl is killed.”

During interviews of five First Nations women working the streets in Victoria, the standard first response to the question of safety is that they feel generally quite safe because the community is small and they are able to “protect themselves”. But as interviews progress one learns that feeling “safe” is a relative idea. Being beat up and treated with physical aggressiveness on occasion are some of the things that simply happen in the sex trade noted three of them, and these truths slipped in throughout the conversations. Worst of all says Nadine, a First Nations woman, is the feeling like a second rate citizen, a “reused newspaper”, because of the genes she was born with, and the manipulation she encounters from customers knowing she is desperate for money and chemicals. Nadine’s is close to her daughter, whom she mentioned on several occasions, and when her daughter went missing three months ago this desperate mother knew well the police reaction to someone like her calling. As a result Nadine waited two days before calling the police. When she finally did the police said contradictory things. The first, much to Nadine’s incredible frustration was, “why didn’t you call yesterday?” and the second, according to Nadine, was that the police couldn’t do anything for her because, they said, they had a reputation to uphold.

On Vancouver Island the list of missing and murdered First Nations women is long and the details are grisly. Note the date clusters.

Nancy Greek, 25, disappeared Aug 23, 1991. Her DNA was found on Robert Pickton’s farm, but he has not been convicted of her murder.

Melissa Maureen Nicholson was 17 when her naked and bruised body was found June 11, 1991 in bushes near Shawnigan Lake.

Kimberley Gallup, 17, was strangled in a hotel room at the Colony Motor Inn on Nov. 21, 1990.

Cheri Lynn Smith, was 18 and her partially decomposed body was found Sept. 9, 1990 in underbrush near Munns Road in Saanich

Chantall Venne was 21 and found strangled with the belt of her coat and her hands bound. She was reportedly tortured, sexually assaulted, and her partly clad body dumped in an industrial area on Feb. 25, 1986.

Rose Henry, who knows more than any police task force or space satellite about what is happening on Vancouver Island streets everyday to Native women, wanted to note that there is a rumor about “a farm” somewhere on the Island. It is a rumor, and rumors are of course unreliable, but the question is will the Victoria Police call it a “lead” and act on it? The reluctance of the Vancouver Police Department to investigate the piling numbers of missing women before Robert Pickton’s arrest was a learning lesson to Canadian police forces. It was, in fact, the same for many Canadians that glance over “another hooker missing” reports without making the connection that this missing woman may well lead to a man or to men, and that man or men to a violent disposition that festers in and thrives on the neglected communities of this nation.

But for now, here in Victoria on the corner of Broughton and Gordon streets — where Nancy Clark was last seen alive — the Saturday night crowd moves on. If one looks up from these chatting strollers, directly across the street behind a parking lot on Broughton Street, is a large brightly lit Hudson’s Bay Company sign shining down onto this street corner from the bulky side of a towering building. There are bright Christmas style lights outlining the painted concrete figure, and sitting here one wonders what Nancy Greek was thinking when she was here last, and how she managed to go uncharacteristically missing from this spot the day before her daughters birthday.


British Columbia reacts to Harper apology on residential schools

by Lloyd Dolha

It was standing room only as about one thousand people packed the Chief Joe Mathias Memorial Centre in North Vancouver to hear the prime minister formally apologize to Canada’s First Nations for the historical wrong of forcing generations of aboriginal people into the residential school system.

Prior to the formal apology, Premier Gordon Campbell addressed the gathering.

“Today’s apology by Prime Minister Stephen Harper to survivors of residential schools provides the opportunity to begin the act of healing,” said the premier. “We sincerely hope that healing will evolve from this apology, and that it will be a significant step toward closing a tragic chapter in Canada’s history.”

“We believe it’s our time and our task to tackle the issues of aboriginal disadvantage and disparity,” continued Campbell. “We are challenged and compelled to close that gap, fulfilling our nation’s potential and promise by ensuring that aboriginal peoples have the same entitlement to success and opportunity as anyone else.”

A huge screen carried the live broadcast from the House of Commons to the Squamish reserve as the prime minister rose to apologize for the residential school system in a fifteen minute address to the nation’s aboriginal peoples.

`The government of Canada sincerely apologizes and asks the forgiveness of the aboriginal peoples of this country for failing them so profoundly,“said Harper .

Following the prime ministers video broadcast, Squamish Nation Chief Gibby Jacobs called for the healing to begin.

“If we don’t quit victimizing ourselves, we don’t release ourselves from the prison we put ourselves in … the effect that we felt multi-generationally will continue,” said Jacobs.

British Columbia`s First Nations leaders welcomed the prime minister`s statement of apology in a prepared release.

The leaders acknowledged that an apology could never rectify the decades of abuse and cultural genocide experienced at the schools, it is a critical step toward reconciliation.

Grand Chief Ed John of the First Nations Summit said that each of the survivors must consider the PM`s apology and determine if it holds any merit for them.

“Collectively, we celebrate and stand on the dignity of who we are and celebrate our survival. Together, we will build for our individual and collective well-being,” said the grand chief. “We ask Canadians to join with us in this important historical moment to talk about and understand the depths and consequences of the multi-layered and intergenerational impacts on our people.”

According to background information released by the First Nations Leadership Council, some twenty-one residential schools operated in British Columbia from the late 1800’s up to as late as 1981.

In 1992, a research study conducted in the province examined the effects of the residential school on survivors. As a result of its findings, the RCMP formed the Native Task Force to investigate allegations of abuse. Based on their investigations, 13 charges against former supervisors and clergy were laid.

“For most Canadians it would be considered absolutely criminal to think of children being forcibly removed from their families, experiencing sexual and physical abuse, living in substandard conditions and being stripped of their cultural identity,” said Grand Chief Stewart Phillip, president of the Union of BC Indian Chiefs. “By apologizing publically for the residential school atrocities, we hope that all Canadians will learn from the past and ensure that no such disgusting genocidal programs are ever designed, legislated and carried out in Canada ever again.”


Bill Reid Art Theft Still a Mystery

by Cam Martin

During the weekend of May 24, the University of British Columbia’s Museum of Anthropology was burglarized. Twelve gold jewelry pieces by local artist Bill Reid, and 3 mexican gold necklaces were stolen, and very few clues were left behind. Throughout the investigation, the police have been very secretive to the media about the events of the case, claiming that revealing too much would compromise the case. But some of their tactics and choices have confused even the most imaginative pundit.

According to police, the thieves appear to have been very prepared for the robbery. A phone call to the museum was placed ahead of time and the caller, posing as a security consultant, informed the museum of a potential alarm problem, and that they were to ignore any alarm they received that day. This bought the thieves some time before they were discovered. In addition, several hours before they entered the building, the thieves disabled the security cameras. This normally produces an alarm but, because of the earlier phone call, security officers were not worried.

The night of the burglary, while the guard was having a cigarette break, the thieves broke in, donned gas masks and then doused the entrance in bear spray to ward off any unwanted security. It is believed that the pieces were targeted directly, as no other works were disturbed and the golden necklaces from mexico which were not on open display were retrieved without searching. Their place in the museum’s storage facility was known before hand.

The total theft was estimated at 2 million dollars. On the Monday after the weekend, Canadian Press reported that UBC and the Museum are jointly offering a $50,000 reward for the return of the works. This reward could also help lure out the thieves as it would be difficult to fence the stolen works as their pictures were plastered across the newspapers, the reward may be their only way of making money.

The thieves knowledge of the security system as well as their awareness of the location of all the stolen works began to fuel suspicions that perhaps there was an insider involved in the theft. Although this question has been posed, police will not corroborate any notions of employee involvement.

At first it was believed that the pieces were stolen to for their value as precious metals. The police feared that the pieces would be melted down and the unique art of a amazing artist would be lost. Also, the raw gold would be indistinguishable from any other making the tracking of the thieves next to impossible. But, a curator for the museum says that the real value of these works lies in their place in Canadian artistry. Melted down, the raw gold would be only worth about $15,000, a fraction of its cultural value to the First Nations people and Canada.

Bill Reid’s widow, Martine, was said to be very distressed by the theft and hoped that the reward will get the works of art back. Reid is considered to be one of Canada’s most important artists of the 20th century. Four of his works appear on the Canadian $20 bill. He was trained as a goldsmith and worked in sculpture, carvings, jewelry and painting. His work reflected traditional Northwest Coast native art. Reid died in 1998, leaving a legacy of Canadian art that spans many decades and mediums.

Almost no new information was released to the public while the police continued their investigation. Then on June 10, the news was released that ten of the Bill Reid pieces have been recovered, and all three mexican necklaces had been recovered. The result of an international search, with the help of Interpol, which included the efforts of more than 50 investigators from different detachments worked around the clock, including 24-hour surveillance of suspects.

The recovery came after searching several Lower Mainland residences, locating the stolen goods in Burnaby and New Westminster. “After searching both residences extensively, all but two stolen Bill Reid art exhibits were recovered intact,” Inspector FitzPatrick said in a prepared statement, while giving some details on intentions for the stolen works. “While we are satisfied that we have recovered most of the stolen items, the RCMP would like to seek the public’s assistance in recovering the last two items which we have reason to believe are still in the Lower Mainland area. Our investigation to date indicates those items likely went to a local buyer or stolen property broker.”

The Vancouver police have not given very many details about the recovery, or any of the suspects involved. Three people were in custody immediately following the recovery, but they were released on lack of evidence. Responding to this lack of conclusion police reassure the media that the investigation is far from over.

Scant details have made this story difficult to follow. Suspicions that the job was committed by an international art theft ring circulate but, nothing is confirmed or denied by the police. Perhaps we should just be happy that most of the treasured works have been returned, and pray and hope for the return of the remaining two so that the marvelous collection can be complete again.


FSIN demands meeting with federal minister after RCMP shooting

by Lloyd Dolha

The RCMP have identified a 21-year-old man who was shot and killed by officers on a reserve southeast of Regina.

Mounties say Chase Kenneth Wilfred McKay of the White Bear First Nation died Saturday June 14th after police went to the reserve following a domestic dispute call. Police have said McKay was armed with a knife at the time of the incident, which occurred outside a home.

The shooting has prompted Chief Lawrence Joseph, head of the Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations, to raise questions about the policing of aboriginal people.

Chief Joseph is demanding a meeting with Canada’s public safety minister, to talk about what he calls “Rambo-style” policing after RCMP shot and killed Mckay at the White Bear First Nation reserve.

Joseph, said in an interview that the latest shooting on the reserve near Carlyle, Sask., has raised questions about the policing of aboriginal people – something he says Stockwell Day, should be concerned about as minister for public safety.

“There’s got to be more presence of not necessarily Rambo-style policing, but peace officers to keep an eye on communities to make sure our children, old people and communities are safe,” Joseph said from his home in Prince Albert, Sask.

Sgt. Carole Raymond said police were called to a residence in the community just before 6:30 a.m., local time, Saturday to a report of a domestic dispute.

While she said the details of what happened next are still under investigation, she confirmed the man was shot outside a home on the reserve.

When asked whether the man was threatening officers with a knife, Raymond said that is still under investigation.

She also would not confirm how many times he may have been shot.

Joseph said they’ve made repeated requests to meet with Day, but those requests have been declined.

He said there’s a history of an “us versus them” mindset among aboriginal communities and police and the tension between the two has led to too many deadly confrontations.

“In general terms, in situations across the country, it appears to be the first option is to apply lethal force and I’m reluctant to see that as the only option.”

“There’s got to be other ways of detaining people in crisis, whether they’re armed or not. There’s got to be a better way to deal with situations like this,” he said.

Brenda Standingready, 52, an aunt of the deceased man, says there’s anger and shock in the community over the shooting of her nephew – a death she says might have been avoided had police used less lethal means to defuse the situation.

Standingready, said tensions with RCMP have been simmering in the community since the early 1990s, when police raided what was then among the province’s first native-run casinos.

The image of casino employees, some of them young people, being forced to lay on the floor at gunpoint during the raid is still a source of anger, she said.

Raymond, who acknowledged that RCMP have a sometimes tense history with the reserve, said emotions are running high in the wake of the shooting.

That’s why it’s important for all sides to communicate, she said.

The detachment and district commanders have discussed the situation with the chief of the First Nation and other officials in the community, she said.

“This is a stressful situation,” Raymond said.

Last year, two aboriginal people were shot by Saskatoon police, one of them fatally.

But the incidents most responsible for problems between police and aboriginal people were sparked by the freezing deaths of several Saskatoon-area men, including a 17-year-old, in 1990.

A race relations report released by the Saskatoon Police Commission in March 2006 identified a need for aboriginal liaison officers, diversity training and ongoing training for anger management and dispute resolution.

An officer with the Regina police force has been appointed to oversee the investigation.


KI Elders Released from Prison

by Kelly McCaffery

Aboriginal protests over mining claims in the Big Trout lake area of Ontario landed six Kitchenuhmaykoosib Inninuwug (KI) elders (including the chief and deputy chief) in jail facing a six-month sentence for contempt of court. They spent over two months in jail before finally being released in May. Their lawyer Chris Reid said, “The only way these people are going to be able to get out of jail, stay out of jail, is if the government of Ontario recognizes the right of these communities to say no to mining on their land.”

The Ontario Mining Act of 1873 stipulates that anyone over the age of 18 can obtain a prospector’s license and stake mineral claims throughout the province. This outdated law does nothing toa protect the people or the environment from high-powered interest in natural resources.

Platinex, Inc., a Toronto-based Canadian mining company, has great interest in the land as potential source of revenue and has been trying to access deposits in the disputed area for nine years. Specifically, the company is in search of two very lucrative resources: platinum and palladium. Both play important roles in the production of very efficient “fuel cells” which can convert the energy of a chemical reaction into electricity and heat.

For platinum in particular, demand has increased but supplies are limited. Over 90% of the world’s platinum supply comes from only two locations in Russia and South Africa. Mining for platinum is complex, labour intensive, and costly. However, this very precious metal has numerous industrial applications and as a result of the push toward a “greener” approach to energy, there is a great deal of interest in research and development worldwide to the tune of over a billion dollars annually.

Michael Gravelle, Northern Development and Mines Minister says the Liberal government wants to properly consult with First Nations and make changes in mining laws. The government, however, is not ready to prevent mining companies from staking claims in the meantime.

Aboriginal Affairs Minister Michael Bryant called the court’s decision to finally release the KI leaders “a positive resolution” that “respects the rule of law and allows good faith negotiations to prevail.” Bryant declared that he was anxious to move forward and said the aboriginal leaders should never have been jailed in the first place.

Despite the minister’s statement, Reid insists the government is “completely useless” having “done absolutely nothing” including not responding to calls and e-mails.

Six Nations recently began talks with government negotiators discussing ways to resolve conflict over land claims in southern Ontario, but those talks have temporarily stalled. Six Nations chose to take an undetermined amount of time away from the table to consider a settlement offer regarding the construction of the Welland Canal. In 1829, that land belonged to First Nations but was flooded to build a canal. Six Nations rejected a $26 Million dollar offer from the federal government saying it wasn’t nearly enough. According to their calculations based on federal interest rates and historical promises made to them, Six Nations says the tab comes to at least $1 billion.

A federal negotiator, Ron Doering admitted, “These are issues that go back a couple of hundred years almost.” Although there is no date set for talks to resume, he is hopeful that talks could be concluded in September if meetings start again by August. “If we don’t make it, it’s not the end of the world,” he said.

In response to the recess, Ontario’s Aboriginal Affairs agrees, “It is positive and appropriate that they are taking the time they need to further consider this serious offer. In the interim, various side table negotiations are continuing their work.”

Bob Lovelace, an elder of the Ardoch Algonquin First Nation in eastern Ontario, was serving a six-month sentence in maximum security for his peaceful protest against uranium mining in his Ardoch homeland when the leaders of the KI Nation were arrested. In support of the KI Six, he chose to go on a hunger strike during his stay in solitary confinement. Lovelace was eventually also released from prison.

In his own words, he illuminates the issue at hand, “Politicians, guided by the power of the privileged class, promise that the dream of perpetual affluence is still possible. It is not. For millions of human beings, impoverished and separated from their indigenous relationship with the land, the proof is clear: Development as defined by colonial nations of this world is merely theft and murder and when we bring it on ourselves, it is suicide.”


Mohawk of Bay of Quinte suspend negotiations

by Lloyd Dolha

Mohawk leaders from the Bay of Quinte have suspended land claim negotiations with the federal government after federal officials announced that they won’t consider buying private properties owned by non-aboriginals in the disputed Deseronto area to make the lands part of the Belleville area reserve.

Margo Geduld, spokesperson for Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC), said that buying property in a community such as Deseronto, which falls within the land claim made by the Mohawks of of the Tyendinaga reserve is never an option in this type of land claim.

Don Maracle, chief of the Mohawks of the Bay of Quinte who live on the Tyendinaga reserve, said that position is a huge blow to the Mohawks, whose band council is now considering it’s legal and political options after breaking off talks in the second week of June.

”We also need land to ensure the future best interests of our people,” said Chief Maracle.

While INAC officials won’t disclose what is on the negotiation table with the Mohawks, Maracle said the government is considering a cash settlement in exchange for a Mohawk surrender of the land.

The land in question is known as the Culbertson Tract, that comprises some 400 hectares that runs along eastern boundry of Tyendinaga, situated on Lake Ontario’s Bay of Quinte, east of Belleville and west of Kingston.

Those lands were never properly surrendered to the federal government which the Mohawks say were taken by the federal government in1837.

Since that time, the Mohawks have sought to repatriate those lands, ultimately filing a specific claim for the lands when the process was created in 1991.

The federal government acknowledged that the Culbertson Tract was never surrendered and remains Mohawk land in November 2003, and since that time have been trying to get Tyendinaga to accept a buy-out of the disputed land.

The Mohawks of Tyendinaga have occupied the disputed land for the past two years since March 2007, which is also the site of a gravel quarry.

In late April, the protest and occupation of the quarry site escalated into conflict when a Kingston realtor, Emile Nibourg, announced plans to develop the lands, that culminated in a written commitment to bring a crew of “25 to 30 guys” to the site.

The Mohawks responded by closing roads immediately adjacent to the proposed iste, which they held for several days.

While the OPP swat team was eveventually brought in to remove the Mohawks from the roads, no confrontation ensued, and Nibourg backed away from his plans to develop the disputed lands.

Several days later, after the roads had been reopened, Mohawk spokesperson Shawn Brant was arrested on Friday April 25th, during an interview with the Aboriginal Peoples Tevelvision Network (APTN), stemming from an incident that took place days before.

Supporters rushed to the quarry after hearing of Bryant’s arrest. The arrest sparked off police actions that led to the jailing of four other Mohawks, with the OPP pulling their weapons on community members at the quarry site on a weekend of tense standoffs and road blockades

The same weekend, Six Nations community members erected a blockade of the Highway 6 bypass near Caledonia in support of the Tyendinaga Mohawks.

In a related incident, two Mohawk women were assaulted by Canada Customs officers on Saturday June 14th at the Cornwall Island border in Akwessahsne.

Mohawk rights activist Kahentinetha Horn 67, suffered arterial damage during the assault and was hospitalized under guard. Also hurt in the incident was Mohawk Nation News (MNN) editor Katenies, who was held until Sunday and released.

Charges against Ms. Horn were dropped and Horn was hospitalized until her release on June 18th. Charges against the MNN editor were dropped on Monday June 16th.

“I understand that our people are very upset about this, “ said Ms. Horn, after her release from hospital and under private care for her injuries.

“I am concerned that the incident has upset my daughters and grandchildren. There is no excuse for what they did to us,” she said.

The incident is under investigation.


Roseau River First Nation Loses Water and Power

by Kelly McCaffery

Utility companies say the Roseau River First Nation isn’t paying their bills, so the power and water supplies are being cut off. The Chief says the government needs to come through with the financial support it has promised, but Indian Affairs doesn’t want to take a stand. Meanwhile, the people are caught in the middle. Martha Larocque’s family is one of many who will feel the effects of the shut-offs. She is quoted by CBCnews saying, “No water running, and we have no outdoor toilets. We don’t have nothing, nowhere to cook except to cook outside, I guess. We might be back to the ancient times.” Cutting off the water supply affects the fire service, local businesses, and community services in addition to most homes on the reserve. At the medical centre, two dialysis patients had to be transferred to a hospital in Morden, Man. because of the water shut-off. Residents were urged to conserve water, but the little water remaining in the community reservoir did not last very long.

Last winter, the Roseau River First Nation dealt with a water crisis that lasted more than a week. Some homes had no running water for several days. After the water supply was fixed, a serious health concern still remained. Septic tank pumps installed the previous summer were draining raw sewage onto the ground just meters away from people’s homes. At that time, Roseau River Chief Terry Nelson told CBCnews that the houses need adequate septic fields, not makeshift drainage systems. He said there’s not enough financial support from the federal government to pay for housing maintenance. “Everything has to be paid for by chief and council. Chief and council are the ones that have to obtain the mortgage. We have to pay for the electricity. We have to pay for the water. We have to pay for the sewer. In some cases, we even have to pay for the furniture,” he said. Officials with Indian Affairs said the sewage system is ultimately the band’s responsibility.

Early this June, the water company cut off service to the Roseau River First Nation because the band is behind on its bills. Water is piped to the reserve (which lies about 80 kilometers southeast of Winnipeg) from nearby Letellier by the Pembina Valley Water Cooperative. After several months without payment (racking up almost $50,000 in debt) and no response from tribal leaders, officials with the company felt they had “no other option.”

Manitoba Hydro also cut off services citing lack of payment, leaving the community recreation center and a government building without power. The band council owes nearly $70,000 for hydro payments. If payment is not made, Hydro will ask Indian Affairs to get involved and an independent financial manager could be placed in charge of the band’s day-to-day business. The Indian Affairs department on the other hand is hoping that Manitoba Hydro and Roseau River can settle the dispute without government involvement.

Chief Terry Nelson says it’s the government who should be paying, and at a news conference he called the water shut-off “an act of terrorism.” He said, “Ottawa pays us to administer the social services program, but they continually underfund us.” Annual costs are almost 2.2 million, but Ottowa provided only $1.7 million for community welfare. The council has to make up for the half-million dollar gap in funds. “We have had to use profits from our business projects to cover the shortfall and we just decided that we’re not going to do that anymore,” Nelson said. Indian Affairs denies reducing funding and says band administration is reimbursed for pre-approved programming provided the spending is properly documented.

Nelson estimates that annual federal funding per member amounts to a little over $3000 each, and demands that more money be allocated based on both population and community need. Indian and Northern Affairs has delivered less than half of the amount of total funding promised, and Nelson feels that the regional office should open its books and allow a public inquiry.

Over 1,000 residents live on the Roseau River Nation reserve, and they count on community leaders to work for their welfare to ensure basic public necessities. To some, the finger-pointing is just another indication that civic leaders have failed again. The Winnipeg Free Press reported that some residents collected about 135 signatures on a petition asking the Indian Affairs Minister to remove tribal leaders.

After the reservoir ran dry, Chief Nelson finally made the $50,000 water bill payment using money earned through his private businesses. Pembina Valley Water then restored water service to the community. Nelson, however still intends to ignore other debts until Indian Affairs comes through with more money, saying, “We want to know why our social services do not get an equal share.”


Aboriginals, IBM and Alberta Government Celebrate Success of Innovative Technology Program

by Clint Buehler

EDMONTON – The success of a unique program that connects Aboriginal communities to a stronger technology future has been celebrated at the end of its first year of operation.

The program was created through an agreement between the Alberta government, IBM, Alberta First Nations and Metis.

A commemorative event at Ben Calf Robe School on June 4th celebrated the one-year anniversary of an ongoing partnership offering technology expertise to First Nations and Métis students in Alberta.

The unique IGN.I.T.E (Igniting Interest in Technology and Engineering) partnership creates new opportunities for Aboriginal people in the IT sector by engaging Aboriginal youth in technology camps. Students ages 8-14 attend IGN.I.T.E camps over three to five days to learn how computers work and explore projects like web page and robotics development. The camps encourage Aboriginal youth to stay in school, to study math and sciences, and to pursue careers in technology. IBM develops and provides the programs and tools.

“Strong, vibrant Aboriginal communities are an important part of our province’s future,” said Alberta Aboriginal Relations Minister Gene Zwozdesky. “The success of this agreement has laid the groundwork for Alberta, IBM and the First Nations and Métis to continue discussing future opportunities that will facilitate Aboriginal participation in the economy.”

The agreement was signed on June 4, 2007 among the provincial government, industry, four First Nations and four Métis representatives. The one-year anniversary event celebrated 26 students who completed the IGN.I.T.E. camp program. The event also acknowledged 24 new community-based trainers who will now deliver the camps to Alberta First Nation and Metis partner communities and marked the anniversary of the first time IBM had entered into a partnership directly with First Nations and Métis people.

“Collaboration generated by agreements such as this one among IBM, Alberta, First Nation and Métis governments can really open the door to opportunities for Aboriginal people” stated Mary Jane Loustel, National Aboriginal Program Executive for IBM. “Today we celebrated youth and community trainers as they completed the IBM IGN.I.T.E camp. That is what the partnership is all about, to ‘ignite’ the interest and build capacity.”

To build technology expertise, the program also develops and trains communities to run IGN.I.T.E camps. Participating communities receive materials and training along with help in surveying existing technology and optimizing its use.


New Agreement Formalizes Relationship Between First Nations, Alberta Government

by Clint Buehler

EDMONTON – The Alberta government and representatives of Treaty 6, 7 and 8 have signed an historic Protocol Agreement on Government to Government Relations.

The agreement was signed by Premier Ed Stelmach and Aboriginal Relations Minister Gene Zwozdesky on behalf of the province, and by the Grand Chiefs and Vice-Chiefs of the three Treaty areas in the province.

The protocol furthers Alberta’s Aboriginal Policy Framework (APF) which envisioned that the Government of Alberta will work with First Nations on a government-to-government basis. The APF also provides that Alberta will work with First Nations through mutually negotiated and signed agreements, protocols, memoranda and understandings. These provisions recognize the importance to First Nations leaders of establishing relations directly with elected provincial representatives.

“I am very pleased to be signing this agreement on behalf of the Government of Alberta,” Premier Stelmach said in announcing the agreement. “Strong, vibrant Aboriginal communities are an important part of our province’s future, and this five-year agreement provides formal protocols for our relationship with all of Alberta’s First Nations.”

“The protocol agreement is a significant step in building the foundational relationship for all future partnerships between our governments,” said Zwozdesky. When the Ministry of Aboriginal Relations was established, one of the key priorities was formalizing relationships between the Government of Alberta and the Alberta Treaty Grand Chiefs. I am thrilled we have done that today.”

The Protocol Agreement provides a commitment Grand Chiefs will meet with the Premier once a year, and twice a year with ministers responsible for consultation with First Nations regarding land and resource development. It also creates the possibility of other ministers agreeing to similar meetings and processes.

“It’s an important step forward in establishing a collaborative approach with the Stelmach government,” said Charles Weaselhead, Grand Chief of Treaty No. 7. “The protocol agreement provides a vehicle by which areas of concern can be addressed and streamlined to the decision makers who can affect change. We applaud the action of this government in recognizing our vision of securing a better future for all Albertans.”

Stanley Lagrelle, Grand Chief of Treaty No. 6, said this agreement “provides the framework to work together in exploring and developing mutually beneficial opportunities. Our Chiefs look forward to forging ahead with the Alberta Government in creating an advantage also for Alberta’s First Nations.”

“This protocol agreement signifies a relationship built on mutual respect, renewed hope and trust with the Alberta government. Today, the Treaty territories of Treaty 6, 7 and 8 celebrate in formalizing this relationship with the provincial government and look forward to future endeavors,” said Treaty 8 Grand Chief Arthur Noskey.

This agreement provides an overall provincial policy approach to First Nations relations and represents all 47 First Nations in the province—more than 100,000 people across Alberta. Previous agreements, including those signed in 1993 and 1995, did not represent all First Nations in Alberta.


Apology a Long Time Coming

by Reuel S. Amdur

Yukon MP Larry Bagnell buttonholed me at the reception. “I’d like you to meet Bruce Charley, one of my constituents. He’s here from about as far away as you can get, from Old Crow.” It was an unorthodox kind of celebration, coming before the momentous event rather than after. The Assembly of First Nations buffet and celebration took place in the ballroom of Ottawa’s Westin Hotel, on the eve of the residential schools apology.

The occasion was attended by school survivors from across the country, their families, representatives of Aboriginal organizations, supporters from the wider community, and politicians. Members of Parliament from all four parties were there. Chuck Strahl, the Tory Minister of Indian Affairs, who has played an important role in pushing the Aboriginal envelope, was there, along with Gilles Duceppe of the Bloc Québécois. Bagnell said that it was an event “that had to happen.”

Bob Rae told the First Nations Drum that the apology was “a wonderful event in the history of the country, but it is never too late to start on the road to reconciliation.” His leader, head of the Liberal Party, Stéphane Dion, spoke of the forthcoming apology as a step “to get over our worst mistake.” Following Stephen Harper’s apology on the part of the government, Dion added his own apology for the Liberal Party’s role, as it was the party in power for most of the last century.

Perhaps NDP leader Jack Layton made the most perceptive evaluation of the impact of the forthcoming apology, calling it “transformative”. The evening event and the apology and other happenings on June 11 brought forth waves of emotion. The word that comes to mind is cathartic, a kind of resolution of past bitterness and hurt. Uncharacteristically for him, Prime Minister Harper gave Layton credit for his tireless help and encouragement in making the apology a reality.

At the evening program, Fontaine told those gathered, “the worst is over. We have closed the door on this shameful chapter of Canadian history.” Mary Simons, president of the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, hit a high note with her remarks. She spoke of the comfort and remembrance that would follow the apology:

“Comfort that the sad history and sad legacy of abuse at schools attended by Inuit and other Aboriginal students will be fully and forcefully exposed to the public eye; comfort that the various efforts in the past to deny, minimize, or rationalize that abuse will be forever discredited; comfort that the accountability of the government of Canada will be acknowledged and that an apology will be given.” And “remembrance of all of us who have ever been taught or made to feel shame or guilt for who and what we are.”

After the actual apology on June 11, Chief Fontaine spoke to the cheers of the large crowd gathered in the House. He spoke of the “achievement of the impossible.” He told everyone that there would be Aboriginal “survival in this land—forever.” The apology “stripped white supremacy of its authority.”

After the high emotion, after the catharsis, there is still much to be done. Many Aboriginal people across the land were unconcerned or even unaware of what was happening in Ottawa. They were too busy dealing with their daily life and their problems. Liberal House leader Ralph Goodale told the First Nations Drum that the apology was but “the first step along a very long road.” He pointed to the 2006 Conservative budget, which slashed money for housing, water, education, health, governance, and economic development.

As Fontaine told the First Nations Drum, “The apology is just the beginning. Now the real work on elimination of poverty—which will need an investment of billions of dollars—must begin.” Or, as Mary Simons put it more succinctly, “There is work to do.”

It would be amiss to end without acknowledging at least some of the truly outstanding performances at the evening event. Opera singer Mavis Callihoo was in fine voice. The stunningly spectacular costumes, with feathers and spangles, added to the intricate dancing, drumming, and cries of the Whitetail performers. They would have made it a memorable evening even without the far more serious business to address.