Posts By: First Nations Drum

Story by Morgan O’Neal

After having watched a very good movie like Elijah, the rating criteria culled from scenes that rely on the easy filler of everyday cursing and using and abusing known in the rating and marketing business as “coarse language” and “drug use” just don’t remain in the memory very long because they become all but meaningless. If there was in fact a scene in which profanity found its way around the fire where the gang was smoking reefers to the tunes of the rock and roll guitar riffs that dominate the music of the film’s score, then I must have been more interested at the time in the crowd that filled the theatre and the irritating guy next to me who was busy for the better part of an hour chowing down on popcorn and slurping up great gulps of Pepsi supplied at god knows what exorbitant price by one of the corporate donors without which the Vancouver Film Festival would not exist. But there were very few moments during this film when I was not intently involved in the story

My experience of the film would have been enhanced immensely without the sofa-fed gluttony and desert degree thirst that seems to have attracted my neighbor to the right to the film in the first place. But Elijah is a hell of a good family film, a film that should be shown in every public school in the country as soon as it is humanly possible. Elijah should be shown in schools because the film’s real and extremely important message is that Elijah Harper the fostered child who became the heroic man was an inspiration to an entire generation of native and non-native activists.

Paul Unwin directed this docu-drama about real-life Canadian hero Elijah Harper, who in 1990 ground the Meech Lake Accord to a halt by refusing to bow to Brian Mulroney and the then “Progressive” Conservative government. In fact, Harper, an Ojibwa-Cree from Red Sucker Lake in Northern Manitoba, is responsible for one of the shortest, and most pivotal utterances in Canadian history: “No!” As the Festival blurb puts it, “Canadian historical fiction, especially documenting a filibuster and procedural delay in ratification of a bill, is rarely related with such punch and bravado. Director Unwin’s innovative visual style and surf-guitar soundtrack help to galvanize the key events in Harper’s life that led him to hold an eagle feather, and the fate of Canada, in his hand. If anything, Unwin’s film positions Harper, played by Billy Merasty, as a rock and roll rebel who bravely faced down constant racism from white people and criticism from his peers. Archival footage is deftly interwoven with dramatizations of Harper’s life which grounds the film within an historical context, but enables it to make critical comments on the process of Patriation and the definition of “Canadian.”

In 1990 the fate of the Meech Lake Accord (and possibly Canada) hung on the sound and sense of a single word spoken by Elijah Harper, the otherwise humble and modest man that dared to defy Brian Mulroney , Mulroney was then, and as it turns out in retrospect, still is the most hated Prime Minister in Canadian history. This man Elijah, therefore, who held in his hand not only an eagle feather, but the direction of our democracy, should if even the commonest of logics hold, be one of our most loved citizens. This essential truth is in fact verified and legitimized by the enthusiastic response, the spontaneous and unanimous applause which arose at each of the scenes toward the end of the film where the heroic nature and the natural goodness of the man Elijah were made clear and unambiguous.

The self-loathing urge of Canadian film criticism to trash if possible (and nit-pick if not) Canadian movies just withers in the whirl of well managed and manipulated emotional appeal here. “Elijah” could have been directed by any inebriated pseudo-celebrity, even Ben Mulroney, famous son of that King of the Jungle Lion Brian himself and still the cameras would have been drawn by divine providence to the significant image, the important moment, the necessary turn of events. It is in fact a David and Goliath tale told with the subtlety of a unique Canadian sensibility.

We can see the Mafioso circles begin to form in the background around the silent thinking of the aptly named protagonist. The current leader of the Assembly of First Nations is always available as ambiguous source of support and advice. And a regional chief we know better now as the funny cop (Lorne Cardinal) on another CTV production Corner Gas, he is there too. And the acting is great at every level of analysis. There is a hint of menace in the disunity that follows these Native activists and organizers during the time leading up to the final unraveling in the now historic event. And of course the pimple-faced white boy who becomes the legal beagle needed to meet the politicians on their own turf.

Now we know, as we all should, where Elijah came from, and what he has been through, and how he fits the role providence forced him to play in Canada’s ongoing story. The script supplies the necessary information and gets to the point as quickly as is cinematically advisable. And don’t ignore the finely crafted critique of the Foster System and the perfect performances of the actors who play Elijah’s foster parents. The just plain stupidity of the father and the ironic take on the mother’s ‘natural’ pride in her ’son’s’ achievements after all is said and done. This sub-plot which runs through most of the film is politically speaking, appropriation critique at its best, and hilarious at the same time, without diminishing the severity of a problem which continues to plague our communities.

By Bernie Bates

It’s in the nature of the North American Native to be givers. And, as Martha Stewart says: “That’s a good thing.” Long before people celebrated the banquet, there was the pot-latch. Many moons before there was a theater, Natives were telling stories around a campfire. Even before the ‘celebrity roast’ became popular – Natives would roast a buffalo roast and tell funny stories, like how Two Dogs Humping got his name.

Natives have always been a very generous people, take, for instance, the first thanksgiving. Those poor pilgrims were starving, all they had were crabs – when one of them had an idea: “Why don’t we invite them Injuns over for dinner?” Sure enough, the Chief and his merry band came – but not empty handed – remember, Natives are givers. The Chief and his tribe brought the very first traditional turkey dinner with all the trimmings, potatoes, corn and sweet berries for dessert. After everyone had ate their fill, another long standing tradition started – the women cleaned up the mess and the men laid back and lit up big fat cigars and watched a ball game (lacrosse).

And it wasn’t only food; Natives shared all of life’s necessities, shelter was another thing that Natives provided to those poor unfortunate white folks. If not for the Native’s assistance, who knows what might have happened in those first cold winters; the pilgrims could’ve frozen their ice holes, frost bit or even death! But not while there was still a beat in the hearts of our brave ancestors. They made sure those poor people had plenty of food reserves and even reserved them a nice piece of land to stay on – all at no charge. Pretty damn generous, wouldn’t you say? (Historical note: the pilgrims, did however, give the Natives the crabs.)

Another historical bit of hear-say: It goes without saying, the first White-men, not only forgot to bring enough supplies to live on, they also forgot to bring enough White-women to live upon, too! So, once again, we provided them plenty of beaver pelts, to make love on – not to mention the women – with whom they could play: hide the European sausage. Did I mention they gave us crabs?
It’s said: “Give a man a fish, and he’ll be hungry again tomorrow. Teach a man to fish, and he’ll never be hungry again.” Natives taught the pale-face how to hunt the mighty buffalo, and we all know how that turned out. We taught them how to catch the swift salmon, and we all know how that turned out. And if that wasn’t bad enough, I dare you to try and find a true, 100% pure Native bloodline! Hell, I defy you to go onto any Reservation and find more than a handful of original Canadian beavers!

The forked-tongued devils, asked where they could find the ‘yellow rocks?’ Natives showed them just where to dig … they took the gold, we got the shaft. They asked Natives where was the best places to grow crops … they got the fruits of the land, we got hoed. “What’s that you’re smoking,” they asked? We introduced them to Mary-Jane and tobacco … they made high profits and Natives got smoked.

Being a Native being, who’s personally been treated unfairly, I believe in being fairly fair. Even though all that I’ve stated is true – we Natives did receive something in return for our goods and services. Natives learned how to; speak the language of the forked-tongued bureaucrats, use the system to get something for nothing and hire lawyers to tell stories to the media. Natives got lessons in real-estate: At one time a Native could sell an island (Manhattan) for trinkets, now, governments stipulate that we can’t even get a bank loan, against what little land we have left – sounds a little one sided, don’t you think? Did I mention we also got the crabs?

One thing that is constant is: change. Natives are waking up and beginning to smell the coffee. Land is now at a premium, space for expansion especially around cities and towns all across the country is becoming scarce – and you’ll never guess who owns that valuable land? I’ll be generous, and give you a hint: “What has university degrees, a ton of pit-bull lawyers and is brown all over?”

The days of cheap reservation camp-sights and trailer parks are over. Think more along the lines of high end resorts, condos for the rich and famous and Native owned and operated wineries and Casinos. Who knows, maybe even one day, Natives could even own and operate an entire city. Wampum will be rolling in faster than two dogs humping – and here’s the best part, you can thank the government – all the profits will be tax free!

I think that calls for a celebration, don’t you? Let’s have a traditional pot-latch, and any non-Native people who’d like to attend, can bring a nice salad. We’ll be serving crow.

THE END

Dear reader: Please feel free to contact, B. H. Bates at: beeinthebonnet@shaw.ca

The name Oliver Milton Martin appears repeatedly in Native newspapers and magazines. He was a prominent figure: a soldier who reached the highest rank ever held by a Canadian Native and, in civilian life, a school teacher, principal and provincial magistrate.

A Mohawk from the Six Nations Grand River Reserve, Martin made his mark in both the army and the air force. He served in the First and Second World Wars, ending his service in 1944 with the rank of brigadier.

Martin’s military career began in 1909, when he joined the Haldimand Rifles militia regiment. Bugler was the first of his many military roles. In 1915, at the age of 22, he took leave from teaching to enlist in the regular force. Two brothers also volunteered. Martin eventually served as a company officer with the 114th and the 107th Battalions. As a lieutenant, he spent seven months in France and Belgium, where he survived a gas attack. In 1917, he qualified as an observer with the Royal Air Force and, the following year, he earned his pilot’s wings.
When the war ended, Martin returned to teaching and became a school principal in Toronto, Ontario. He also maintained his ties with his militia regiment. In 1930, he assumed command of the Haldimand Rifles, holding this position until the outbreak of war.

During the Second World War, Martin oversaw the training of hundreds of recruits in Canada. His first appointment, as a colonel, was commander of the 13th Infantry Brigade at a training camp at Niagara-on-the-Lake. The following year he was promoted brigadier and went on to command the 14th (Nanaimo) and 16th(Prince George) Infantry Brigades.
In the official history of the Algonquin Regiment the brigadier is remembered with fondness and respect. The Algonquins had arrived at Niagara-on-the-Lake after a long and festive train ride:
It was a sad and sore group of men who piled off the cars in Niagara. It was our good fortune to have Brigadier Martin as our new brigade commander, and he, sensing our condition, was most tactful and kindly. His first inspection of the unit, and his words to the men, won him at the outset our strong friendship and loyalty.72

In October 1944, the brigadier retired from active service. His impact, however, carried on for several years. According to a niece, “many of Brigadier Martin’s nephews and nieces joined the service during the Second World War. They wanted to serve their country and I’m sure they were influenced by their uncle’s military career.”

After leaving the armed forces, Martin was appointed provincial magistrate for Ontario District 6, the counties of York, Halton and Peel. He was the first Native to hold a judicial post in Ontario. The Mohawk magistrate served the district until his death in 1957.

Brigadier Martin received many rewards for his accomplishments. For his 20 years of service with good conduct in the militia, Martin was awarded the Colonial Auxiliary Forces Officer’s Decoration. In 1953, he and his wife, Lillian, were invited to, and attended, the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II. Today, the East York branch of the Royal Canadian Legion is named the Brigadier O. Martin Branch. The brigadier-magistrate is also a member of Canada’s Indian Hall of Fame.

Story by Lloyd Dolha

Aboriginal leaders from across the nation weighed in on Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s recent cabinet shuffle and the subsequent appointment of former minister of Agriculture Chuck Strahl to the portfolio of Indian Affairs.

Indian Affairs Minister Jim Prentice was replaced by the Chilliwack-Fraser Canyon MP in the August 14th cabinet shuffle.

Ontario Regional Chief Angus Toulouse said he anticipates a positive working relationship with the new Tory cabinet and congratulated Stahl on his appointment.

“I am hopeful that Minister Stahl will take a pro-active approach in addressing First Nations issues,” said Chief Toulouse. “For a true partnership to exist, the determining of priorities and the development of solutions must be driven by First Nations communities and not be derived unilaterally from the minister responsible.”

The Ontario regional chief called on the new INAC minister to follow through on the commitments made to the First Nations of Ontario, noting that a number Ontario First Nations and First Nations organizations worked diligently with former INAC minister Jim Prentice to develop solutions to a number of outstanding grievances.

“I look forward to a meeting with the Honourable Charles Stahl as soon as possible to develop a respectful partnership that focuses on creating solutions to address the many chronic issues facing First Nations communities,” said Toulouse.

Nishnawabe Aski Nation (NAN) Grand Chief Stan Beardy also urged the new minister to follow through on recent commitments made by Prentice to deal with the unique challenges faced by Ontario’s remote First Nations communities.

“The Hon. Jim Prentice has recently paid more attention to the unique conditions of our 49 First Nations communities,” said the NAN grand chief, adding that Prentice accompanied him on a trip to Fort Albany and Kashechewan just the week prior.

“It’s important now that Minister Stahl continues this commitment to not only specific NAN communities such as Pikangikum and Kashechewan, but across NAN territory.”

But the leader of the Anishinabek Nation had “mixed feelings” about the cabinet shuffle but is still optimistic about maintaining the good relationship already established with the Conservative government.

“I have mixed feelings about this cabinet shuffle and in particular the changes to the Indian Affairs portfolio,” said Grand Council Chief John Beaucage, leader of the 42 member First Nations of the Anishinabek Nation. “”It has taken a great deal of work to establish a government to government relationship with the Conservatives. However, I’m very pleased with the current relationship and we’re optimistic that the momentum will continue under new Minister Chuck Stahl,” said Chief Beaucage.

In July, the Union of Ontario Indians became the first aboriginal organization in Ontario to establish a bilateral relationship with the Harper government. Beaucage and former INAC minister Prentice worked to develop a comprehensive approach to self-government negotiations, economic development and the establishment of a government-to- government relationship. Back in February, Beaucage and Prentice signed a self government agreement-in-principle with respect to governance.

“I look forward to working with Minister Strahl,” said the grand council chief. “I have a great respect for Strahl’s integrity and I’m confident that the relationship we’ve established will continue under his leadership.”

Beaucage said he will take the opportunity to discuss more challenging issues such as the new Specific Claims regime, addressing poverty and reviving the goals and commitments of the Kelowna Accord with the new minister.

Assembly of First Nations national chief said he too is looking forward to working with the new federal cabinet and Minister Strahl.

“The success of the Minister of Indian Affairs is very much dependent on a positive relationship with First Nations and we are ready to work on a positive agenda aimed at lifting First Nations out of poverty.”

Story by Lloyd Dolha

Two Algonquin First Nations plan to continue blocking access to a potential uranium mining site despite a court order granted to an exploration company.

“Our plans at the site are to continue to secure the gate and not permit entry into our lands without our permission,” said Bob Lovelace, former chief of the Ardoch Algonquin First Nation. “And certainly the exploration company will not be permitted to do any test drilling.”

In a 20 page interim decision, Ontario Superior Court Judge Gordon Thompson ordered that, “ Under no circumstances shall there be entry onto the subject property by anyone else other than an owner with a valid registered deed.”

The decision further orders the removal of all “signs, vehicles, buildings and other paraphernalia erected” there by any of the parties to the court case as of July 1, 2007.

The judge further ordered that an anthropologist be brought onto the property to conduct an investigation searching for sacred Algonquin burial sites.

Protesters from the Ardoch Algonquin and Shabot Obaadijwan First Nations have been blocking the entrance to the mine site, about 60 kilometres north of Kingston since June.

The mining exploration company, Frontenac Ventures Corp. which wants to do test drilling, is sung the Algonquins for $77 million and are seeking a judicial order to remove the First Nations protesters form the property.

The interim decision came just days after the Algonquins sent a letter to Premier Dalton McGuinty advising him that they were pulling out of the court process and asked the Ontario Government to intervene in the dispute.

In the letter, they state that they appreciate the challenge the court faces, but the adversarial system may damage future relations with the Crown and called for “government to government negotiations between the province and themselves

“While we respect the Ontario court system and the rule of law, we cannot inure to the court in this case and will not be proceeding any further with the court process as it relates to Frontenac Venture’s motion for an injunction against,” states the letter sent August 14th.

The letter, signed by Shabot Obaadjiwan Chief Doreen Davis and Ardoch Algonquin co-Chief Paula Sherman, calls on the province to impose an immediate moratorium on uranium exploration in the area near Shabot Lake.

“Uranium exploration threatens the land and thus our health, well-being and cultural survival,” reads the letter.

The Algonquins also asked the province to negotiate with their First Nations governments regarding the use, management and conservation of the site, which they say consists of ancestral lands that they never surrendered to the Crown.

They proposed a meeting between the province, federal and First Nations representatives during the Week of August 20th at their protest camp in North Frontenac Township.

“Ontario’s failure to take appropriate and timely action has led to the current unfortunate circumstances and we look to the Government of Ontario to take swift action to resolve this matter outside the courts, “ states the letter.

The disputed site consists of a combination of private and Crown land, which is subject to land claims negotiations.

The First Nations say that the government of Ontario, which granted the mineral rights to the company, failed to adequately consult and accommodate the Algonquins before granting the mineral rights.

In a June 23rd statement by the Ardoch Algonquin First Nation, they cite numerous Supreme Court of Canada decisions that the duty to consult “remains a morally and legally binding duty” that is “part of a process of fair dealing and reconciliation” with affected aboriginal people where aboriginal rights or title are in play.

NDP environment critic Peter Tabuns said Premier McGuinty should respect the rights of the Ardoch Algonquin and Shabot Obaadjiwan First Nations and place an immediate moratorium on uranium exploration in the region.

“Why is it so hard for Dalton McGuinty to stand up for fairness and a clean environment?” asked Tabuns. “The Ontario government could have and should have resolved this issue a long time ago. Instead Dalton McGuinty has dithered and delayed.”

McGuinty has refused to say whether he plans to intervene in the dispute.

“Dalton McGuinty promised to stand up for First Nations and the environment. He’s failed on both counts,” said Tabuns.
The temporary injunction technically took affect on Thursday August 16th. It required the First Nations protesters to leave the protest site protesters to leave the site by Friday, August 17th. But the OPP said they never seen the injunction that was apparently sent electronically.

In a clarification to the parties, he judge said the temporary ruling he made didn’t order the protesters to leave the protest site, as the lawyers for Frontenac had believed and did not say how much power the OPP should have in enforcing the order. The OPP said they were reluctant to take any action that might jeopardize their relations with the Algonquins.

Story by Len O’Connor

The most exciting aboriginal singer songwriter working today, Juno Award winner Derek Miller who’s career was kick started in 2002 with the release of ‘MUSIC IS THE MEDICINE.’ has taken his career to another level in 2008 with the release of ’DIRTY LOOKS.’
The new CD is a collection of songs that reflect the changes he went through purging the bad habits he had cultivated on the road. Derek spent some time in the one place you won’t find Amy Winehouse, a rehab centre. The mood of his new materiel may be somber but his guitar playing is all fire and brimstone. From the scorching blues licks in The Devil Came Down on Sunday to the subtle melodic touches he adds on Stormy Eyes. Derek Miller consolidates his standing has one of the finest musicians of his generation.
‘’By 2005, I felt like I had lost my soul completely, touring, drinking and pumping my body full of drugs. It had me reeling pretty bad and I knew I had to stop or I would die but I needed help. That’s what I was battling as I went to record Dirty Looks. It was the hardest thing I’d done at that point, then I went through rehab and wrung out the laundry. Though native culture, ceremony and trauma recovery I felt I’d won my soul back and you can hear that torture on that record, I’m just grateful I lived through it. I am very grateful.’’

It’s been a long road for Derek Miller who grew up on the Six Nations reserve in Ontario and started playing guitar when he was given a warped neck Fender guitar that was found in his grandfather’s closet at age 13.’’ Looking back at it now, it was as though his spirit was saying, take this, talk to your mystery through this guitar and everything will be fine’’

Derek went through his mother’s record collection and found he had an insatiable appetite for the blues. He found his mentors in Muddy Waters and Stevie Ray Vaughn along with rock guitarists Peter Townsend and Eddie Van Halen. He developed as a singer listening to Jimmy Reed and Otis Redding. Derek played in pick up bands and local outfits honing his skills and writing until he released an EP entitled Sketches. The first recording showed a guitar player with a lot of talent and a blossoming songwriter but it due to independent distribution it didn’t generate large numbers in the sales department.

He moved to Arizona to join Keith Secola and The Wild Band of Indians, Secola had reached cult status with his song INDIAN CAR, also toured with the Grateful Dead and was on first name basis with the members of U2. Derek worked on Keith’s award winning FINGERMONKEY CD and spent a lot of time on the road. He gained some very valuable experience from the old road warrior Secola who toured across America and Europe, this would help him later down the road when he would be in charge of his own band.

He returned to Canada to start his solo career and released MUSIC IS THE MEDICINE, the CD won a Juno award for him and more important introduced him to a much larger audience and international touring. He had yet to become a household name but his talents have impressed many of his peers such as Buffy Ste Marie who described him as ‘’ Derek is like Neil Young, Leonard Cohen, Kris Kristopherson but better. He’s got a Mohawk heart.’’ Robbie Robertson a brillant guitarist himself whose career produce such timeless hits as THE NIGHT THEY DROVE OLD DIXIE DOWN was taken by Derek’s fretwork. ‘’ Derek’s guitar playing and vocals really get under your skin.’’

The DIRTY LOOKS CD is Derek’s best musical statement so far, the songs part of his spiritual journey serve as a catalyst for the curing of a troubles soul. The opening cut THE DEVIL CAME DOWN SUNDAY sets the tone with in your face guitar and lyrics that pay homage to blues seminal godfather Robert Johnson who in blues mythology sold his soul to the devil at the crossroads and later wrote a song . Derek is dealing with his own devil, the conflict is a personal one.

The devil came down on Sunday, offered me a ride.
I’m going down to the Crossroads, Mohawk road.

THROW THE HAMMER DOWN is another pedal to the mettle that shows Derek at the turning point, now willing to stand up and fight with the conviction that winning is the only option.

You feel you’re losing ground
You got to dig a little deeper
Even though you’re hands are bound
Time for some action a different point of view.
It’s just a matter of reaction
Time to throw the hammer down

Story by Morgan O’Neal

Saskatchewan’s first self-administered aboriginal police force was formally established in May, and polices the Carry the Kettle, Little Black Bear, Okanese, Peepeekisis and Star Blanket First Nations east of Regina. It has received the first blow to its public image after receiving a complaint from a family after a teenager’s arm was broken while in custody. Colleen Stevenson, who lives on the Carry the Kettle First Nation, wants to know how her 15-year-old son, Timothy, suffered a broken arm while in custody of the File Hills First Nations Police. “I don’t see how a man in a uniform … obligated to protect the community is out there inflicting pain, breaking bones,” she said.

Timothy Stevenson was with another person when he was arrested last week. He was kept in custody for 12 hours and said he was denied medical attention. He was never charged with any offence. Police Chief Ralph Martin, who oversees seven officers, confirmed that the injury occurred while the teen was in police custody. He has met with the family to discuss the case, but the police force has made little information about the incident public.
In response to this lack of information, Timothy Stevenson’s grandfather, Delmar Runns, alleges the poor treatment of a resident is not an isolated incident. “I think, for myself, we should go back to the RCMP, because the tribal police are overreacting,” Runns said. “They’re overdoing it.”

The province’s public complaints commission says it’s aware of the allegation about the teenager, but hasn’t received a formal complaint. It could investigate itself or turn the matter over to an outside police force..

Review by Morgan O’Neal

In The Earth’s Blanket: Traditional Teachings for Sustainable Living, Turner presents an affectionate and lyrical portrait of aboriginal people who persist in resource-management practices that have been sadly overlooked. It is a “book of ideas”, as it claims, but it is also a book of stories and philosophy and an encounter with people, life ways, folklore, resource-use intelligence, and that overworked term wisdom. It’s all in aid of presenting aboriginal concepts of stewardship and sustainable resource management in case-study, anecdotal, and narrative form.with First Nations in the Pacific Northwest. In The Earth’s Blanket, she explores the wealth of ecological knowledge and the deep personal connection to the land and its history that is encoded in indigenous stories and lifeways, and asks what they can teach all of us about living in harmony with our surroundings.
Scholarly in its thinking but accessible in its writing, The Earth’s Blanket combines first-person research with insightful critiques of Western concepts of environmental management and scientific ecology to propose how systems of traditional ecological knowledge can be recognized and enhanced. It is an important book, a magnum opus with the power to transform our way of thinking about the Earth and our place within it.
Turner has worked with Native peoples in the Pacific Northwest for more than thirty-five years, and generations of her indigenous teachers have given her permission to share their stories and perspectives about the natural world. Their teachings describe a rich variety of methods of harvesting, transporting, processing, storing, maintaining, and enhancing natural resources such as trees, medicinal plants, berries, root vegetables, fish, meat, and shellfish. More than just stories, these narratives underlie a belief system that informs everyday attitudes toward the earth.
The Earth’s Blanket suggests how systems of traditional ecological knowledge can contribute to the modern world. It is an important book from a gifted and internationally respected scholar and teacher. It has the power to transform our way of thinking about the earth and our relationship with its ecosystems
Nancy J. Turner is Distinguished Professor in the School of Environmental Studies at the University of Victoria, British Columbia. She is also a Research Associate with the Royal British Columbia Museum and the author or co-author of more than 15 books and numerous other publications. She is an elected Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada and the Linnaean Society of London, and recipient of the Richard Evans Schultes Award in Ethnobotany from the Healing Forest Conservancy in Washington, D.C., the Order of British Columbia, and the Canadian Botanical Association’s Lawson Medal for lifetime contributions to Canadian botany.

Story by Morgan O’Neal

The Metis Nation in its relatively short but intense existence as a national governing body has never cultivated a public image of internal unity, and perhaps this is one of the good reasons it has gained respect over the years as a truly democratic organization dependent almost entirely upon the involvement of the membership at the grassroots and the action taken at the local level of a widely dispersed and dispairate group of people from various backgrounds and parts of the country.

The struggle to establish itself as a governable and autonomous community within the larger pluralistic and multicultural reality of Canada – a nation itself known widely as having not even yet come to a clear understanding and definition of itself (in any real sense beyond what is known as the negative definition in rhetorical terms). Definition by negation simply means that when pressed to describe ourselves as Canadians the best we can usually come up with is the well-known slogan that if nothing else we are definitely not Americans. And this, as far as I am concerned. has always been a good enough place to begin. And the Metis has always been shackled with both legs in the chains of non-identity: we are known at least in the sociology trext books of the universities of this country as the ”quintessential non-identity”. Not only are we not Americans, but we are hard pressed to come to the name Canadian; we have no status as Indians and no land ownership with which to begin to put down the kind of roots necessary to build a nation.

It is safe to say that we are closer to the breed of Gypsy that escaped Egypt thousands of years ago and after dispersing throughout the Indian sub-continent wandered around Europe establishng a negative reputation for qualities of mysticism and disappearing into the night after relieving the townspeople of bread and sausage and whatever else we could get our hands on. But the other side of this reputation was the music of Stephan Grapelli and Django Rhinhart and countless other guitarists and fiddle players. This seems to ring a bell too, as does the rodeo and the road allowance people and the elders that continue to try to hold us together by sheer force of will and resistance to the ongoing attempts to either wipe us out or assimilate us into the meduiocrity which is the reality of contemporary society.
So in light of this historical background it might be good to remember that Gabriel Dumont an Louis Riel did not agree all the time, nor did James Brady and Malcolm Norris, and the conservative Cuthbert Grant refused to support Gabriel Dumont and l’il Petite at the final stand at Batoche. But Dumont and L’il Petite did not shoot themselves in the feet like it appears the present batch of wayward warriors is wont to do. There is no need to run to the Canadian Courts to have this internal dispute over leadership settled. After all, from whom did the Metis learn their skills in propaganda and leadership, in democracy and political organization. These are the same people that put our leaders in jail a century ago, the same people who hanged Louis Riel by the neck until he was dead. The same people who imprisoned Poundmaker and Big Bear and sapped their strength so they died only weeks after being released from incarceration in Stony Mountain.

There is a bitter lack of explanation emerging from all sides in this unnecessary fight within the national organization. The Drum has been unable to get a response back from any of those provincial offices we have contacted, nor have we received an answer from whatever regime is in place at the national level. All we know is that the governing bodies at both the provincial and the federal levels are not handling the crisis in leadership that they themselves have created in a very proactive manner. Press statements are released on one day announcing interim leaders chosen by executive fiat and days later court orders come down from the black robed heights of Canadian jurisprudence ousting the latest leader to be named (and to add insult to injury the same court order forbids the democratically elected leaders of provincial Metis Associations even to meet and discuss the problem. Now it appears that the scheduled election of a new democratic leadership has been postponed without legitimate explanation.

The question is then, who runs the Metis National Council, the Harper government or the Metis people and their democratically elected representatives? In all his courageous resistance to assimilation by the Feds and in all his parodic showmanship in the Wild West Show of Buffalo Bill Cody, not once did Gabriel Dumont shoot himself in the foot with his trustry rifle L’il Petit. But the sons of the hero, in just one act of cowardice have blown the toes right out of their shoes. All we can do now is wait and see if the intestinal fortitude exists within the collective body of the Metis Nation itself, to put this sad episode behind us and move on to continue the work we know is necessary and overdo.

Story by Lloyd Dolha

The Na-Cho Nyak Dun First Nation is suspending all regulatory dialogue with the Alexco Resources Corp.’s Keno Hills mine near Mayo until suitable consultation and accommodation can be arranged with the Yukon and federal governments, prompting Yukon Premier Dennis Fentie to threaten court action.
“Governments have excluded us from any meaningful dialogue related to the Elsa/Alexco proposed redevelopment of the Keno Hills mines,” said Simon Mervyn, chief of the Na-Cho Nyak Dun. “Although we have had some discussions in the past, they were courtesy consultations and only paid lip service to our rights while the government eagerly cooperates with Alexco in furthering its objectives. Our First Nations people have used these lands for generations and we intend to be fully involved in the decision making process regarding their reclamation and redevelopment.

In June 2005, both the federal and territorial Yukon governments approved the transfer of the Keno hills assets to Alexco Resources Inc., through its subsidiary, Elsa Reclamation and Development Company.

The Na-Cho Nyak Dun are concerned that the territorial Crown continues to cooperate in a process that does not facilitate First Nations participation. The First Nation is one of four Yukon First Nations to sign a Self-Governing Agreement with the territorial and federal governments in 1995 and is a member of the Council of Yukon First Nations.

“It’s time for governments to properly and meaningfully come to the table to address First Nations rights before any more decisions take place with respect to Keno Hills,” said Chief Mervyn.

In a recent letter to the federal and Yukon governments expresses concern over the lack of meaningful dialogue . In the letter, Chief Mevyn states, “until such time that there is a process and funding for the Na-Cho Nyak Dun to independently evaluate, assess and contribute towards all ongoing regulatory processes with respect to the proposed redevelopment of Keno Hills, we have no other option but to withdraw from those processes.”

The First Nation cites a recent decision of the Supreme Court of the Yukon in Little Salmon/Carmacks First Nation in defending its position which established that there must be a “government to government dialogue” with respect to Crown approvals and transfers within the traditional territories of self-governing First Nations.

In the May ruling of Little Salmon/Carmacks First Nations, Yukon Supreme Court Justice Ron Veale, quashed a government land lease in favour of the First Nation.

In his decision, Veale sided with the First Nation’s concern that the territorial government had not properly consulted it before granting a farmer an agricultural lease on the First Nation’s traditional land.

Veale told the government to start consultations with the First Nation, citing the need for “government to government” consultation when it comes to land or resource use that would affect First Nations.

On August 28th, in a CBC interview, Yukon premier Dennis Fentie stated that the Yukon court “may have very well erred in their decision [in Little Salmon/Carmacks First Nation],” and announced his intention to appeal the ruling all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada if necessary.

In a later press conference, the Yukon premier said he will not let First Nations governments dictate land use to his government.
“When we get into situations where First Nations, such as NND in this case, have referenced a recent Yukon court decision and demanded consent for activity on their traditional territory, that’s where public government must stand up and say, ‘No, that’s not what was agreed to in the final agreement or any agreement,” said the premier. “This government will not agree to consent requirements.”

Fentie said the territorial government and the mining company have negotiated agreements with the Na-Cho Nyak Dun’s department of lands and resources that have resulted in some $7.6 million expended to the First Nation and associates for the care and maintenance of the mine.

Fentie emphatically denied that the First Nation haven’t been adequately consulted.

The chief of Whitehorse’s Kwanlin Dun First Nation says he won’t work with the Fentie government following his remarks on the Yukon Supreme Court ruling.

“The [Yukon] Supreme Court has come out quite strongly in favour of First Nations,” said Smith. “To dismiss the Supreme Court – saying they don’t know what they’re talking about – is basically, I think, saying you’re above the law.”

If Fentie’s government appeals the ruling, the Kwanlin Dun say they may apply for intervenor status in the appeal. In the meantime, Smith said his First Nation will simply refuse to work with the Fentie government.

Yukon Liberal leader Arthur Mitchell said Fentie should apologize to the Yukon Supreme Court for his remarks, noting that it’s unusual for a sitting premier to make dismissive comments about a court ruling.

“Until a decision is overturned it’s the law and it stands, and the premier should try to follow the law and he should stop saying he’s above the law,” said Mitchell.

The Fentie government is already planning to take the Little Salmon/Carmacks First Nation ruling to the Yukon Court of Appeal and the Council of Yukon First Nations said it will seek intervenor status if the Yukon government follows through.
The council’s leadership approved the action because it feels the outcome of the case has the potential to significantly affect all self-governing Yukon First Nations.

Despite the legal principles recognized by the Supreme Court of Canada, the Yukon government is arguing it has no duty to consult with or accommodate a self-governing Yukon First Nation unless the final self-governing agreements expressly directs it to do so.

There are now 11 of the territory’s 14 First Nations who have signed those agreements.

“Self-governing Yukon First Nations have a common interest to ensure that their Final Agreements are not frozen but are able to grow and evolve in accordance with new principles recognized or established by the courts,” said CYFN Grand Chief Andy Carvill. “Secondly, this intervention by the CYFN confirms the unity of all Yukon First Nations with respect to their opposition to the Yukon government’s narrow and literal interpretation of their Final Agreements as demonstrated by its arguments in the court case involving Little Salmon/Carmacks First Nation (LSCFN).”

The grand chief added he was very disappointed the Yukon Government plans to use the courts, rather than the less expensive, alternative dispute resolution processes already established by those final agreements to settle the case.
If the ruling is overturned by the Yukon Court of Appeal, it could be applied to other circumstances in which the Yukon government has decision-making discretion.

“Also, the CYFN hopes the federal government will also intervene on behalf of the LSCFN, because if the First Nation loses this case, it will be a disincentive for other First Nations to sign self-government agreements,” said Carvill.

The Yukon Court of Appeal is expected to hear the LSCFN’s case in the spring of 2008.